| Executive Summary
Following several setbacks
since the Romanian revolution of 1989, Romanian government efforts for
general and specific intelligence reforms have experienced a revival with
the prospect of NATO integration and European Union membership. Not
only have the requirements for membership in these two organizations provided
a clear and detailed roadmap for accession, the Romanian government has
also been able to use these requirements to a great extent to justify its
own general reform planning and to sell the Romanian people on the necessity
of some of the harsh measures required to achieve accession objectives.
Despite frequent media and public criticism, the government appears to
be limping along the road to reforms and to date has been able to demonstrate
its commitment to reform, as well as some progress. Indeed, several
recent reorganizations of various security and intelligence organizations,
the adoption of a focused national security strategy based on current realities
(with appropriate strategic objectives for each specific organization),
the enactment of several new laws on intelligence control and oversight
and additional safeguards for civil liberties, make a reasonably convincing
case for the seriousness of Romania’s reform and democratization efforts.
If these efforts are ultimately successful and supported by the legislature,
the public and the media, the Romanian government will likely be able to
fulfill most of its goals and demonstrate real progress towards true democracy.
Romania’s current National
Security Strategy reflects today’s realities and is based on “the guarantee
of democracy and fundamental liberties, sustained and lasting economic
and social development, accession into NATO and integration into the European
Union.” Problematic areas remain with the speed of reforms within
the security and intelligence organizations, the elimination of Securitate-tainted
personnel, effective oversight legislation, demonstration of comprehensive
control and oversight of intelligence activities, satisfactory compromise
on public access to old Securitate files, and the will to eliminate perceptions
of corruption of officials within these organizations and their control
and oversight bodies. In dealing with these problem areas, the government
is hampered by the glacial pace of the country’s economic recovery and
resulting popular dissatisfaction, by a still-divisive multi-party system,
by a vocal and critical media focused on scandals, and by the social and
philosophical legacy of the communist era. Perceptions are particularly
important during this transition period, and real progress in government
transparency and accountability, evidenced best by comprehensive reforms
of the intelligence services and by real progress in fighting corruption,
will serve the current government to convince not only its own population
but also its future international partners of its serious commitment to
democracy.
Given recent U.S. experiences
with old and new allies in the fight against terrorism and the disarming
of Iraq, a long-term investment in Romania’s progress towards democracy
is indicated: practical and sustained cooperation, exchange and training
programs should be considered to assist with the professionalization of
Romania’s intelligence and security services based on the principles of
true democracy.
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